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Gen Z Demands 10–15% Role in Nepal’s Politics

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Home POLITICAL AFRICAN AMERICAN (P)

Gen Z Demands 10–15% Role in Nepal’s Politics

by huewire
September 16, 2025
in AFRICAN AMERICAN (P), ASIAN (P), HISPANIC (P), INDIAN (P), MIDDLE EASTERN (P), NATIVE AMERICAN (P), POLITICAL
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Gen Z Demands 10–15% Role in Nepal’s Politics
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The morning sun barely pierced the haze over Maitighar Mandala, yet the atmosphere was electric.

Tens of thousands of young people had gathered, banners in hand, voices rising in unison. Bikash Singh, a legal expert and observer on the scene, recalls the overwhelming sight: “By late morning, the crowd had swelled into tens of thousands chanting, waving placards and marching toward The Everest Hotel in New Baneshwor. The mood was hopeful, almost celebratory, as if we were witnessing a new chapter of accountability and freedom unfolding.”

The procession carried a clear message: an end to entrenched corruption, bureaucratic red tape and political nepotism. Social media had become their meeting place, a space where young voices came together and coordinated their actions—even as the government banned 26 platforms, including Facebook, WhatsApp, Messenger and Instagram, citing registration and data rules.

The ban fueled the frustration that was already simmering among the youth. Blocking these platforms, Singh, 28, argued, violated their fundamental right to information and freedom of expression and turned an already tense situation into something far worse.

Nepal 2
Gen Z protester rages against the ruling party government.

Skanda Gautam

Nepal has spent the last ten years under the leadership of KP Sharma Oli, Sher Bahadur Deuba and Pushpa Kamal Dahal, who have cycled through the prime minister’s office. The protests may have been triggered by social media restrictions, but the people of Nepal were already deeply aggrieved with the government.

The protests, primarily organized by Gen Z through loosely connected youth groups like Hami Nepal, were united in purpose: transparency, opportunity and accountability. Ashvina Basnet, 32, a Nepali social worker and women’s rights advocate, explained the roots of the movement: “This is a mass revolution. The youth are showing that change is possible.” The “Nepo” campaign, highlighting the undue privileges of politicians’ children, struck a particular chord with young people frustrated by systemic inequality.

Yet the morning’s hopeful energy quickly collided with harsh reality. As the crowd approached the Parliament, barricades stood firm. Some agitators—likely external infiltrators—pushed the protesters forward, tearing down barricades as chants intensified. Police responded with water cannons, tear gas and rubber bullets. Singh recalls the physical and emotional sting of the confrontation: “We felt the sting in our eyes, struggled to breath and were soaked by the blasts of water.”

Moments later, gunfire erupted. Students in school and college uniforms fell to the ground, some struck in the head and chest. Ambulances rushed to drag the wounded away, while panic rippled through the crowd. “That was when we ran, desperate to escape, as fear replaced the energy we’d carried in the morning,” Singh, 28, said. By the end of the first day, 19 young people were dead, and roughly 300 injured, which has risen to 30 deaths and 1,033 injuries by Thursday, Nepal’s health ministry said.

The following day, curfews were imposed from 8:30 a.m. to midnight, but unrest continued. The government’s initial response, which blamed opposition factions rather than acknowledging excessive force, further inflamed tensions. In the wake of escalating protests, Prime Minister Oli resigned on September 9, 2025.

Protesters targeted symbols of political power, torching government buildings—including parts of Singha Durbar and the president’s residence at Sital Niwas—as well as private homes of political figures. Singh noted that while the original Gen Z protesters often condemned these acts, infiltrators likely escalated the chaos.

Nepal 1
The Federal Parliament building in Nepal burned to the ground.

Routine of Nepal Banda

Singh, who is involved in various policy and legal reform initiatives for legislation in Nepal, explained the structural issues fueling frustration: “Many youth feel powerless navigating bribery and inefficiency in daily matters, from obtaining citizenship to basic certificates,” he said. Anti-corruption agencies exist, but their impact is minimal. Political nepotism perpetuates the recycling of the same leaders, leaving young people without representation or a voice in governance.

Many youth, Singh noted, feel pushed toward foreign employment and remittance-driven economies, which provides income but limits engagement with national political change.

“Social media was the lifeline of this movement,” Singh explained. Groups like Hami Nepal used these channels to mobilize protesters, share updates and plan peaceful actions. Social media wasn’t just a tool for organizing—it gave young people a voice, a way to document excessive use of force and a platform to demand accountability both locally and internationally.

Singh emphasized the need for youth representation in government. “Youth are seeking at least 10–15 percent representation in parliament or ministerial posts during the interim government, ensuring that the protest demands are adequately addressed until elections can be held.”

Singh described ongoing debates among constitutional law experts on navigating this unprecedented situation.

Nepal 3
Injured Gen Z demonstrators are carried to safety as street clashes intensify in Kathmandu.

Skanda Gautam

Nepal’s 2015 Constitution offers limited direction in forming an interim government when the Prime Minister and cabinet resign but Parliament remains partially active, a gap that has sparked debate among legal experts. Article 76 allows the President to dissolve Parliament and hold elections within six months if no Prime Minister can be appointed from the majority, a coalition, or any member of Parliament.

Gen Z representatives are now in talks with the President and Nepal Army, demanding corruption control, good governance and inclusion of new leaders. “The most constitutionally sound path would be a broad-based interim government led by a trusted MP with Gen Z ministers, as permitted under Article 78,” Singh stated.

If that fails, youth could back a Prime Minister from outside Parliament, invoking the doctrine of necessity—though this risks overstepping constitutional limits. Singh explains that elections must follow within six months, alongside legal reforms and youth-backed agendas.

More than 3,200 young Nepalis are currently huddling in an online discussion on social media messaging platform Discord to debate who will officially take part in the talks and what issues will be discussed.

Nepal 4
Protesters raise weapons and Nepal’s national flag in front of the torched Supreme Court, a striking symbol of rage and resistance.

Skanda Gautam

Singh noted that legal avenues exist for victims’ families. Once courts—including the Supreme Court—resume operations, authorities responsible for excessive force will be prosecuted, and compensation will be provided. Individuals responsible for vandalizing public property will also face accountability.

As night fell over Kathmandu, the city’s streets still bore the marks of unrest. Smoke lingered near Parliament, shattered glass glittered in the sun and the echoes of chants from tens of thousands of young voices seemed to linger in every alley and square.

Ashvina concluded, “After decades of stagnation, the message from the youth is loud and clear: Nepal needs leaders who act for the people…”

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